In my recently published book, Lights Out: Ten Myths About and Real Solutions To Our Energy Crisis, I outlined a strategy for America’s power sector that could help us address our energy security and environmental challenges. I believe that with a focused effort and an aggressive federal commitment to devising constructive energy policy, we could dramatically revamp the composition of our power markets between now and 2030.

I call my plan the 30-30-30 by 2030 strategy. It calls for us to produce 30 percent of our power from nuclear and 30 percent from natural gas and clean coal by the target date. It also calls for us to generate another 30 percent from a combination of renewable energy and reductions in demand as a result of energy efficiency improvements during this timeframe.

To get there I recommend we take such actions as:

1)    Extending Investment Tax and Production Tax credits in gradually phased-out forms for renewable energy for 10 years. This action will eliminate the incredible uncertainties that currently impede investment in renewables (because these credits need to be regularly extended and Congress has not acted in a timely fashion) and as a result have undermined the maturation of these industries. I suggest that much of the cost of such credits be offset with reductions in other energy subsidies and supports.

2)    Investing federal dollars—alongside private-sector investments—to build new nuclear plants, with the United States owning a stake in new nuclear facilities equivalent to the size of its investment. The problem with nuclear energy is the reluctance of private capital to take the enormous political risks associated with financing new plants. However, if the United States were a substantial or equal partner, private dollars would flow and the plants would be built. Once operational, there is little doubt that the government’s interest in these plants will be attractive and the taxpayers will realize their initial investment—and a profit—when the government’s share is sold.

3)    Encouraging state governments and utility commissions to support and encourage utilities to invest in the installation of a modern, intelligent electricity grid. Smart grid technology can dramatically improve energy efficiency, but the states have to provide roadmaps and support to their utilities to bring about a transition to new systems.

4)    Expediting the process for permitting offshore wind energy farms. Offshore wind can play a big part in our future energy mix, but we have to follow the lead of countries like the UK and get it built. Unfortunately, current regulatory barriers have established a timetable for the permitting of offshore wind facilities that is far too long to allow the companies in this new industry to secure financing. A sensible but shorter approach consistent with environmental safety is essential.

5)    Providing the support necessary to allow for the production of the vast quantities of shale gas that the United States possesses. Recent news stories have raised a cloud of suspicion about shale gas and the fracking technologies that help us produce it. It is not hard to imagine this entire industry forced to stand down while politicians jockey for position on the legitimacy and safety of these new technologies. That cannot be allowed to happen. Without shale reserves, the United States will find itself unable to meet the growing demand for natural gas, which will diminish the potential role gas can play in our power mix, and drive the price back up to the double-digit levels we faced just a few short years ago.

I believe that this plan can be accomplished, and that we can reconfigure our energy mix in the way it proposes, by 2030.  If we get that far in 20 years, there is no doubt in my mind that by 2040 we can make even more progress in terms of energy efficiency gains and increasing the role of nuclear power, clean coal and renewables in the power generation sector.

As we make those changes, we can accommodate the larger level of demand that will be required to meet the challenge of electric vehicles and the broader use of natural gas for industrial and transportation purposes—both in terms of natural gas vehicles (for large fleets) and as part of a “gas-to-liquids” effort, which would allow us to utilize liquids derived from natural gas to power conventional vehicles without requiring a massive change in our transportation fuel infrastructure.

These goals can be met, but policy makers will have to depart from the traditional practice of postponing tough decisions on energy matters. For too long we have been content to pass energy challenges to the next generation of political decision makers. But, we are running out of time. As the clock ticks down, our choices narrow and our opportunity to surmount the hurdles we confront diminishes. We need to act on energy now.

This book effectively answers how America and the world can overcome the challenges of rising global energy demand, geopolitical disruptions of the energy marketplace, and the environmental impact of producing and using energy.

What emerges is a pragmatic energy strategy that calls for blending a variety of energy sources including nuclear, clean coal, solar, wind, and natural gas with a more determined effort at improving energy efficiency through the deployment of smart energy grids and buildings, to help meet our challenges while preserving our economy and environment.

Order the book on Amazon.com, barnesandnoble.com or borders.com.

In early 2009 with the election of the President and overwhelming Democratic majorities in the Congress, the odds seemed high that a climate/energy bill would pass in short order. Since then, though, despite passage of the Waxman/Markey bill in the House, the Senate has been reluctant to act. Rustbelt Democrats have sounded a lot like Sunbelt Republicans when it comes to climate legislation, and there is growing apprehension that passing a potentially costly new bill to regulate carbon will further undermine our fragile economy.

Since members on both sides of the aisle and the American people would like to see action on such key energy matters as our dependence on foreign energy imports and the environmental challenges associated with producing energy, the question becomes: Is there a path forward that can help us improve our energy security and reduce our emissions of pollutants and greenhouse gases without bankrupting the U.S. treasury or undermining the economy? I believe there is.

Rather than losing more time in an effort to pass an energy/climate bill that lacks sufficiently broad support to prevail, let us focus instead on how we will structure our energy sector over the next 20 years—and then create a set of incentives that can make that structure a reality.

In recent years, many states have adopted renewable energy legislation mandating that a certain percentage of their power be derived from sources such as wind, solar, biomass and geothermal. The House-passed Waxman/Markey legislation sets up such a standard for the country as a whole, and a version of that approach has passed the Senate Committee on Energy and Natural Resources on a bipartisan vote. Today a principal barrier to final Senate passage is most likely the White House’s insistence that no energy bill be adopted unless it also contains some type of carbon regulation.

Yet even if Congress were to pass a national renewable energy bill, it would not be enough. Renewables are not the only “clean” domestic source of energy that can be ramped up over the next 15 to 20 years. If policymakers are truly serious when it comes to improving energy security and reducing the environmental risks associated with energy production, it is time for an increased role for nuclear power in America.

Around the world, from China to Finland to Abu Dhabi, nuclear power is being deployed and is considered a viable alternative energy source. Not so here. In the United States, we haven’t licensed and built a new reactor in decades. While there are many plans on the table, jump-starting the deployment of nuclear plants will require the U.S. government to play a major role in helping finance and license new units. Thus far, the Obama Administration has advocated for an enhanced government role in support of nuclear power. As with renewables, we need a full-court press to advance nuclear power if we are serious about realigning the energy sector. The time for that is now.

The simple fact is that we cannot improve our energy security or the environmental risks associated with energy production unless we significantly increase the roles of renewable energy and nuclear power. Neither one alone will be enough to sufficiently reshape the energy sector. What Congress needs to do now is to focus on passing an energy bill that sets attainable goals for both renewable energy and nuclear growth, and provides sufficient government incentives and support to make sure those targets are met.

I propose that we increase the role of renewables from current levels by 10 percent to 15 percent by 2030, and increase the percentage of power coming from nuclear energy by 10 percent during that same timeframe. If we do, in less than 20 years, America would derive more than half its power from non-emitting domestic sources. That would be an incredible achievement, placing us well on the road to addressing the energy challenges that most Americans and policymakers urgently want to overcome.

But to get there Congress needs to focus on the doable. As we learned in 2003 after the Northeast blackout, even a serious energy disaster does not cause members of Congress to vote against their constituents and political interests. Then, despite the fact that an energy bill was already in conference committee and leaders on all sides were confidently predicting its imminent passage, it took two years for a watered-down version of the legislation to make it to the finish line.

Rather than hoping that the Deepwater Horizon incident can help bring about a weak, likely unworkable energy/climate bill, the President and Congressional leaders should pursue a strategy with a higher chance of success. Let’s set some realistic goals and timetables to dramatically increase the role of renewables and nuclear power, and provide the federal backing needed to ensure those goals are achieved.

Such legislation may not solve all our energy problems, but the truth is there is no magic formula that can, by itself, accomplish everything. What we must avoid is continued inaction. Any new energy strategy will take years to fully implement and, therefore, we must begin the effort today. It is the best way to get us on the road toward enhanced energy and environmental security.

Spencer Abraham served as a U.S. Senator and America’s 10^th Energy Secretary. He is also the author of Lights Out: 10 Myths About and Real Solutions to America’s Energy Crisis. The book can be pre-ordered on Amazon.com.